Civic Data and CSO Movement

It is true that on one side, decentralization has shown a negative bias to various forms of corruption, abuses of power, non-neutral bureaucracy, and various forms of fraud. Also, direct democracy does not always produce a local leader who is free from fraudulent behavior, but keep in mind that fraud can occur in any system, centralized or decentralized.

In the context of good governance, fraudulent behavior occurs due to the lack of ethical deficiencies by elites at the executive and the legislature levels, not only in the region, but also in the center. This is facilitated by lack of public access in overseeing the state apparatus.

Encouraging ethical behavior can be a model for the structure of the elite in government and society, whilst, greater public access can drive faster change and better ensure the development of priorities as needed. Decentralization becomes increasingly bridge not only bring the public service but also the preferences.

It is true also, that the last 15 years has seen a lot of inefficiency and ineffectiveness in the management of development at the local level. Such as horizontal conflict as excess local elections, and public budget mismanagement led 291 cases of corruption, more than 3 thousands parliament member, 1,500 civil servants.

The important question, to what extent are MoHA and other ministries already undertaking local government capacity building and political education? Decentralization of political authority, administrative, and true fiscal and technical assistance should be accompanied by adequate supervision.

There is a tendency, however, for laziness by the central government in actually performing these two functions. The indication from the visit to the area was limited to ceremonial, technical assistance is often done in bulk with antiquated methods, with monitoring and evaluation being half-hearted.

CSOs recognition during the New Order regime was instrumental in the revival process in Indonesian society. This awakening saw an increase in their bargaining position in face of the country, especially with regards to the government.

Some CSOs engaged in salient issues, placing them in the context of democratization. In the latter half of the New Order regime, CSOs generally played the role of balancing the state through a confrontational
stance. This was due to the New Order regime’s authoritarian and repressive character.

However, developments in the post-reforms began to take shape and allowed for the opening of democratic institutions. Power was no longer concentrated in the central government, but was spread to other state agencies, and dispersed to the local level. While at the community level, these changes tended to be largely removed from the values of civil society. This phenomenon of course, was anticipated by non-hardcore NGOs, allowing them to maintain the relevance of its role in the process of social change, and particularly in the strengthening of civil society.

Indonesian CSOs in Transparency and Accountability: FOINI, Open Government, and MP3

With the collapse of the Suharto regime (1998 reform), demands for a more open government became one of the main agendas of Indonesian civil society. Efforts to promote transparency, broaden participation in public decision-making and create an accountable state administration were dominant issues in the public discourse that characterized the beginning of the reform era.

To ensure transparency, a number of civil society organizations took the initiative to propose draft Freedom of Information (FOI) legislation. The Indonesian Center for Environmental Law (ICEL) designed the initial draft to be discussed with the coalition, which was then proposed to the parliament. Eight years later, this initiative resulted in what is known as the Freedom of Information Law.

As a product of the reform, it is not surprising that this act has a purpose that goes beyond mere transparency in public institutions. It also looks to encourage community participation and accountability of the state. In order to further the issue of participation, the Indonesia Civil Society Alliance for
Democracy (YAPPIKA) has attempted to push the rights of citizens to be involved in the formulation of legislation. These efforts have influenced provisions in the Law on the Procedure for the Establishment Regulation Legislation.

In terms of regulations governing the participation of citizens, civil society organizations have also encouraged the birth of several initiatives, with the formalization of some of those initiatives under law.

Some of these regulations are intended to ensure the participation of citizens, based on the context and the area of decision-making on certain issues. From there, advocacy began to develop into collaborative schemes. Naturally, this
progression saw two differentiated approaches to advocacy. The first pattern of engagement saw a continuation of pre-existing schemes, with both a face-to-face approach and the use of the media to public pressure.

The second pattern has seen a movement into new spaces, often in the form of advisory and technical assistance to state officials. Use of the media in collaborative patterns is usually marked with promotion more than pressure. In this manner, civil society has begun to enter into technocratic work.

This collaborative approach has developed in areas where actors within government agencies can be categorized as reformist. This approach became even stronger when these reformist actors have held the highest leadership positions in government agencies. The facts demonstrate the importance of the reformist leadership role in implementing Open Government.

Reforms are driven by mutually reinforcing cross-sectorial coalitions between state and society, grounded in mutually perceived interests. For more than four years, the Public Services Coalition of Concerned Citizens (MP3) oversaw the formulation of the Public Service Act, during which time, some important measures were successfully inserted into the act. In doing so, this coalition has managed to incorporate the perspective of the fulfillment of basic rights into public service delivery, disrupting the monopoly of an administrative perspective.

MP3 involvement has shaped arrangements regarding access to information and community involvement in public service delivery in this act. In the law, the following provisions were finally set: (i) establishment of service standards by involving community service units (participatory) and there is no guarantee of access to information in the public service; (ii) intimation of service (originally proposed charter residents), which is a promise to the public service units appropriate to carry out the agreed standard of service; (iii) special care of vulnerable groups; (iv) the obligation to make an internal complaint handling mechanisms are integrated nationally; (vi) dispute settlement mechanism and ombudsman services through sanctions; (vii) ensuring external scrutiny by the public.

Some activists of civil society organizations that originally sat in the National
Ombudsman Commission have taken the initiative to encourage the formation of the Ombudsman Act of the Republic of Indonesia (ORI). ORI, as the Information Commission, supports the state institutions (state auxiliary body) whose role it is to handle complaints of the state administration, including in the delivery of public services.

At the level of practice, some NGOs have developed assessment tools for use by residents. One key example is the Citizen Report Card (CRC). PATTIRO introduced the use of the CRC as a method for evaluating the basic services received by residents in selected areas. In response, several local governments adopted the method for assessing and improving the performance of public services.

In Lebak district, the results of a Citizen Report Cards (CRC) analysis of health services saw the local government reallocate funds to better address community needs in the form village midwifes. In Jeneponto of South Sulawesi, the results of a CRC resulted in the drafting of regional regulations on education and regulations on public service.

Furthermore, this initiative has also spawned an important institution at the local level, known as the Community Forum (CF). The CF serves as an information center for the community, especially for people who have difficulty accessing information, assisting citizens in making requests for information or complaints regarding government services.

It serves as a bridge between the government and the people, advocating for
the improvement of public services and public participation in the development planning process. In Lebak district, the local government has adopted and expanded the presence of the CC to all districts. The establishment of the Banten Provincial Government Information Commission was facilitated by the Serang CC, after it collected 3,000 signatures of citizens who demanded the establishment of the Information Commission.